Andijanis are all Turks; everyone in town or bazar knows Turki. The speech of the people resembles the literary language; hence the writings of Mir 'Ali-sher Nawa'i, though he was bred and grew up in Hin Herat , are one with their dialect. Good looks are common amongst them. They were vastly outnumbered by the calligraphers, craftsmen, architects, poets and scholars who also came from Iran, able to move easily into this Persian-speaking milieu.
In Persian, already the language of the cultivated elite, was officially adopted as the administrative language of the empire. This allowed reports to be collected in the central Record Office of the court from every province, each of which had many local languages.
A few years earlier, in , a Translation Bureau Maktabkhana had been established as one of the major court institutions. It produced Persian translations of key texts, the most important of which were then illustrated. By the late 16th century, few at court were able to understand Turki, the language in which Babur had written. The Persian translation, the Baburnama Book of Babur , introduced to a wide Mughal audience the account of his turbulent life before and after invading Hindustan.
He gave detailed descriptions of the unfamiliar flora and fauna he came across, and recorded in forthright terms how much he disliked many aspects of the land, notably its climate and architecture. He also described many of the new gardens he laid out in the Iranian manner, and the plants he introduced from Central Asia. The translation of Babur's memoirs from Turki to Persian was supervised by one of the great intellectuals of the age, Akbar's friend 'Abd al-Rahim, who also held the highest office in the empire.
Akbar's reign was shaped by his curiosity regarding religions other than his own Muslim faith on the one hand, and his desire for religious tolerance on the other. Acutely aware of tensions between his Hindu and Muslim subjects, he wanted the major Sanskrit texts to be translated into Persian so that they could be widely read by non-Hindus.
In doing so, the hoped that "those who display hostility may refrain from doing so and may seek after the truth". The Translation Bureau was therefore given the task of producing Persian versions of fundamental texts such as the Ramayana Razmnama, or Book of War and the Harivamsa, considered to be an appendix to the Mahabharata, detailing the life of Krishna. The translation of the Sanskrit text of the Harivamsa into Persian was finished by about and paintings were added. One imperial copy had its paintings removed in the early s when stray pages appeared on the Western art market.
As these translations were nearing completion, Akbar gave the order for the history of his reign to be compiled, including an account of his real and mythical antecedents. The author was Abu'l Fazl, the great polymath of the age, who began his work in and completed most of it by His rigorously researched history drew on the central record office of the empire, a number of memoirs commissioned by the emperor from witnesses to recent events, and the recently-translated memoirs of Babur.
Though always historically accurate, Abu'l Fazl also portrayed Akbar as the ideal monarch within Iranian traditions of kingship, and the perfect man within traditions of mystical Sufism. The third volume of his text, the Ain-e Akbari the Regulations, or Institutes of Akbar , describes the many departments of the royal household, including the Ketabkhana , with a list of the leading artists of the age.
Many of their names are inscribed on paintings accompanying an incomplete, unbound manuscript of the Akbarnama that was bought by the South Kensington Museum in These demonstrate that the manuscript was originally intended to be the presentation copy for the emperor.
The text covers the years to and has paintings, all attributed by a contemporary librarian to the artists who painted them. In some cases, a specialist portraitist was given the task of painting the features of the main characters in the scene. In , Akbar embarked on a military campaign to conquer the independent sultanate of Gujarat.
The region was extremely wealthy, with sophisticated craft traditions and enormous textile production. The pilgrim port of Surat, from where Muslim pilgrims set off from all over the subcontinent to perform the Hajj, was also within its borders.
Victory came to the Mughal forces early in , and Akbar's procession through Surat is depicted in the Akbarnama. Among the crowd on the far right of the painting is a figure in blue clothes and a black hood, with blue eyes — he represents the Europeans that Akbar encountered for the first time, and energetically questioned about their lives, habits and beliefs. They had come from the Portuguese settlement of Goa, and this encounter would result in Akbar sending a delegation there, to request that a religious delegation be sent to the Mughul court.
The first Jesuit mission arrived at the city of Fatehpur in , and installed a chapel inside the house that Akbar had assigned to them. Here, they displayed paintings with Christian subjects that caused a sensation. The emperor brought his leading courtiers to see them, and then sent for his artists. The impact of this — and of paintings and engravings brought by subsequent Jesuit missions — was soon apparent in Mughal painting. The principles of scientific perspective were not followed, but a sense of depth derived from European art is found in some of the paintings in the Akbarnama.
One of the paintings from the Harivamsa, showing the dramatic combat between the gods Indra and Krishna taking place above a boat sailing past a rocky landscape, is also obviously inspired by European art. Occasionally, a print of the kind brought by the Third Mission led by Father Jerome Xavier in was copied precisely. Other paintings were created for copies of the translation into Persian of the Life of Christ that had been requested by Akbar, and were written by Xavier in collaboration with a scholar at the Mughal court.
The same mingling of widely differing artistic traditions in the art of the book during Akbar's reign was certainly found in objects, though comparatively few have survived.
A jewelled gold spoon exemplifies the uniquely Hindustani goldsmith's technique of kundan which is still widely practised today across the subcontinent to set stones in gold. It is mentioned by Abu'l Fazl in the Ain-e Akbari , but has antecedents that predate the arrival of the Mughuls by centuries.
The design of the jewelled decoration is purely Iranian, and relates to contemporary illuminated designs in the art of the book.
The shape is Indian, but the decoration within cusped cartouches an ornate framing motif is based on Iranian designs of the period of Shah Tahmasp reigned — The chiselled details of a tiger attacking an elephant whose rider, or mahout, tries to fight it off on one side of the blade; and the combat between a horse and an elephant directed by their respective riders on the other, relate to similar scenes in paintings done at the end of Akbar's reign.
By this time, specialist craftsmen in the provinces of the empire supplied the court, and exported their wares to Europe. Gujarat was famous for its inlaid wooden boxes and cabinets, and for its artefacts made out of thin pieces of mother of pearl. Their intended market determined the design of the finished piece, and often its form.
Therefore, items made for the huge market in Portuguese Goa might include European-style ewers and salvers that, from there, often travelled westwards and were sometimes given European silver or gilt silver mounts. The rare surviving altar frontal was probably also intended for a Goan patron, but the Mughal-influenced motifs surrounding its central panel of Christian imagery are similar to those on cabinets that were made for the domestic market and must have been produced in quantity.
The designs on the altar frontal also have parallels in Mughal painting from that period, showing how far the influence of court art had spread. By Akbar's death in , Mughal art had brought together disparate influences from Hindustan, Iran and Europe. New industries such as carpet weaving were firmly established, while existing crafts with antecedents long predating the Mughals thrived by having access to much larger markets and new patrons.
Akbar was succeeded by his son Salim, who took the title Jahangir 'World Seizer'. Babur had two daughters. Babur means beaver. In Persian language Babur means 'tiger'.
Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babur was Babur's full name. Babur was a Mughal ruler. Babur established Mughal Dynasty. After the battle of Panipat, Babur captured Delhi and Agra immediately, 4th expedtions. Humayun succeeded Babur. Humayun was the eldest son of Emperor Babur. Babur was succeeded by Humayun in Babur fought 3 battles: 1. Babur Ruled from Akbar-The Great was the grandson of Babur. Babur was born on February 14, Humayun was the eldest son of Babur.
Qutlaq Nigar Khanum was the mother of Babur. Babur's administration was as ood as he had won his battles from India. Mughal Dynasty was formed by Babur. Babur established the Mughal Empire in India in Babur's native place was Andijan, Uzbekistan.
Nothing known believable about Babur's marriage and his spousse s. All we know was Babur left on e son called Humayun, Nasiruddin. Humayun inherited the throne left by his father Babur. Log in. Some couplets in it are not bad but for the most part it is flat and poor.
In music also he composed good things, some excellent airs and preludes. No other such patron and protector of men of parts and accomplishments has ever been known. It was through his instruction and support that Master Qul-i-muhammad the lutanist, Shaikhl the flautist, and Husain the lutanist, famous performers all, rose to eminence and renown. It was through his effort and supervision that Master Bih-zad and Shah Muzaffar became so distinguished in painting.
Few are heard of as having helped to lay the good foundation for future excellence he helped to lay. He had neither son nor daughter, wife or family; he lived out his years alone and unencumbered. At first he was Keeper of the Seal; in middle-life he became a beg and for a time was Commandant in Astarabad; later on he forsook soldiering. He took nothing from the Mirza, on the contrary, each year he offered considerable gifts.
When the Mirza was returning from the Astarabad campaign, 'Ali-sher Beg went out to greet him; they saw one another, but before 'Ali-sher Beg could leave, his condition became such that he could not rise. He was lifted up and carried away. The doctors could not tell what was wrong; he went to God's mercy next day, one of his own couplets suiting his case:.
I was felled by a stroke beyond their ken and mine; What, in such misfortune, can doctors avail? The siege drew on to great length; no provisions and supplies came in from any quarter, no succour and reinforcement from any side. The soldiers and peasantry lost hope and, by ones and twos, began to let themselves down outside the walls and flee.
When Shaibaq Khan heard of the distress in the town, he came and dismounted near the Lovers'-cave. On one of those days, Khwaja Husain's brother, Uzun Hasan came into the town with 10 or 15 of his men--he who, as has been told, had been the cause of Jahingir Mirza's rebellion, of my exodus from Samarkand in March CE and, again!
That entry of his was a very bold act. The soldiery and townspeople became more and more distressed. Trusted men of my close circle began to let themselves down from the ramparts and get away; begs of known name and old family servants were amongst them, such as Pir Wais, Shaikh Wais and Wais Laghari.
We utterly despaired of help from any side; no hope was left in any quarter; our supplies and provisions were wretched, what there was was running out; no more came in. Meantime Shaibaq Khan proposed to talk peace. Little attention would have been given to his overtures if there had been hope or food from any side. But there was no choice--a sort of peace was made and we took our departure from the town, by the Shaikh-zada's Gate, some-where about midnight.
I took my mother Khanim out with me; two other women-folk went too, one was Bishka-i-Khalila, the other, Minglik Kukuldash. At this exodus, my elder sister, Khan-zada Begim fell into Shaibaq Khan's hands. In the darkness of that night we lost our way and wandered about amongst the main irrigation channels of Soghd. At daybreak, after a hundred difficulties, we got past Khwaja Didar.
At the Sunnat Prayer we scrambled up the rising-ground of Qara-bugh. From the north slope of Qara-bugh we hurried on past the foot. On the road I raced with Qasim Beg and Qanibar-'ali the Skinner ; my horse was leading when I, thinking to look back at theirs, twisted myself round; the girth may have slackened, for my saddle turned and I was thrown on my head to the ground.
Although I at once got up and remounted, my brain did not steady till the evening; until that point, this world and what went on appeared to me like things felt and seen in a dream or fancy. Towards afternoon we dismounted in Yilan-auti, there killed a horse, spitted and roasted its flesh, rested our horses awhile and rode on. Very weary, we reached Khalila-village before the dawn and dismounted. From there the route went to Dizak. There, in Dizak, were fat meats, loaves of fine flour, plenty of sweet melons and an abundance of excellent grapes.
From what privation we came to such plenty! From what stress to what repose! Never in all our lives had we felt such relief! Never in the whole course of them have we appreciated security and plenty so highly. Joy is best and more delightful when it follows sorrow, ease after toil. I have been transported four or five times from toil to rest and from hardship to ease. This was the first. We were set free from the affliction of such a foe and from the pangs of hunger and had reached the repose of security and the relief of abundance.
After three or four days of rest in Dizak, we set out for Ura-Tyube. Pishaghar is a little off the road but, as we had occupied it at one time, we made an excursion to it in passing by.
In Pashaghar we chanced on one of Khanim's old servants, a teacher who had been left behind in Samarkand from want of a mount. We saw one another and on questioning her, I found she had come there on foot. Khub Nigar Khanim, my mother Khanim's younger sister, already must have bidden this transitory world farewell; for they let Khanim and me know of it in Ura-Tyube. My father's mother also must have died in Andijin; this too they let us know in Ura-Tyube.
The separation had lasted 13 or 14 years. To see these relations she now started for Tashkent. After consulting with Muhammad Husain Mirza, we decided to winter in a place called Dikhkat, one of Ura-Tyube's villages. I deposited my belongings there, and then set out to visit Shah Begim, my uncle the khan and various relatives. I spent a few days in Tashkent and waited on Shah Begim and my uncle. There my mother Khanim fell very ill; it was such a serious illness that her life was at risk.
I had hoped my uncle the khan would show me affection and kindness and would give me a country or a district. Whether he acted on his own account or whether upon a hint from above is not known. After spending a few days with him in Ura-Tyube , I went on to Dikhkat.
Dikhkat is in the Ura-Tyube hills, below the range on the other side of which is the Matcha country. Its people, though Sarts settled in a village, are, like Turks, herdsmen and shepherds. Their sheep number some 40, We took up residence at the houses of the peasants in the village; I stayed in a head-man's house. He was old, 70 or 80, but his mother was still alive. She was a woman on whom much life had been bestowed for she was years old.
Some relation of hers may have gone as was said with Timur Beg's army to Hindustan; she recalled this and used to tell the tale.
In Dikhkat alone were 96 of her descendants, hers and her grandchildren, great-grandchildren and grandchildren's grandchildren. Counting the dead, her descendants numbered more than Her grandchild's grandson was a strong young man of 25 or 26, with full black beard.
While in Dikhkat, I constantly made excursions amongst the mountains round about. Generally I went barefoot and, from doing this so much, my feet became so that rock and stone made no difference to them.
Once in one of these wanderings between the afternoon and evening prayers, I saw a cow going down a narrow, ill-defined road. I said, 'I wonder which way that road will lead.
Keep your eye on that cow; don't lose the cow till you know where the road comes out. In the winter several of our soldiers asked for leave to Andijan because they could make no raids with us.
Qasim Beg said, with much insistence, 'As these men are going, send with them to Jahangir Mirza something special of your own clothing. Again he urged, 'What harm would there be if you sent something for Tambal also?
This was the very sword which, as will be told with the events of next year, came down on my own head! A few days later, my grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim, who had stayed behind when I left Samarkand, arrived in Dikhkat with our families and baggage and a few lean and hungry followers.
That winter Shaibaq Khan crossed the Khujand river on the ice and plundered near Shahrukhiya and Bishkent. On hearing news of this, we galloped off, despite our small numbers, and made for the villages below Khujand opposite Hasht-yak.
The cold was mightily bitter, a wind as strong as that from the Ha-darwesh raged violently the whole time. It was so cold that during the two or three days we were in those parts, several men died of it. When I needed to perform my ablutions, I went into an irrigation-channel frozen along both banks but because of its swift current not ice-bound in the middle, and bathed, dipping under 16 times. The cold of the water went quite through me.
Next day we crossed the river on the ice from opposite Khaslar and went on through the dark to Bishkint. Shaibaq Khan, however, must have gone straight back after plundering the neighbourhood of Shahrukhiya With the hot weather came the news that Shaibaq Khan was coming up into Ura-Tyube. Consequently, as the land is level about Dikhkat, we crossed the Ab-burdan pass into the Matcha hill-country.
Ab-burdan is the last village of Matcha; just below it a spring sends its water down to the Zarafshan ; the area above the stream is part of Matcha; below it a dependency of Palghar. There is a tomb at the spring. I had a rock at the side of the spring shaped and these three couplets inscribed on it:.
I have heard that Jamshid, the magnificent, Inscribed on a rock at a spring. Many men like us have taken breath at this spring, And have passed away in the twinkling of an eye; We took the world by courage and might, But we could not take it with us to the grave. There is a custom in that hill-country of carving verses and objects on the rocks It occurred to me that to wander from mountain to mountain, homeless and houseless, without country or abiding-place, had nothing to recommend it.
Qasim Beg recommended against this move, apparently being uneasy because, as has been told, The Khan had made an example of the Moghuls by executing them at Qara-bulaq. Despite our urging, he headed off for Hisar with all his brothers and his whole following. We for our part crossed the Ab-burdan pass and set out to The Khan in Tashkent When The Khan heard a few days later that Tambal had gone up into Ura-Tyube, he mustered his army and rode out from Tashkent.
Between Bishkent and Samsirak he formed up the right and left divisions and enumerated his men. This done, the standards were acclaimed in Moghul fashion [miniature, left]. The Khan dismounted and nine standards were set up in front of him.
A Moghul tied a long strip of white cloth to the thigh-bone of a cow and took the other end in his hand. Three other long strips of white cloth were tied to the staves of three of the nine standards, just below the yak-tails. Their other ends were brought, one for The Khan to stand on, and the other two respectively for me and Sultan Muhammad Khanika to stand on.
The Moghul who had hold of the strip of cloth fastened to the cow's leg then said something in Mughul while he looked at the standards and made signs towards them. The Khan and those present sprinkled kumis [fermented mare's milk] in the direction of the standards [detail of miniature, right]. Horns and drums were sounded towards them; the army thrice shouted its war-cry towards them, mounted, yelled it again and rode at the gallop round them.
Precisely as Chingiz Khan laid down his rules, so the Moghuls still observe them. Each man has his place, just where his ancestors had it: right, right,--left, left,--center, center. The most reliable men go to the extreme flanks of the right and left.
The Chiras and Begchik clans always demand to go to the right flank. Disputing which should go out to the flank, these two drew swords on one another. At last it seems to have been settled that one should take the highest place in the hunting.
Next day after making the circle, The Khan hunted near Samsirak Both illustrations are from his later life in India, which contrasts dramatically with the low point of his fortunes in Tashkent. This move of The Khan's brought little benefit--he took no fort and beat no foe; he went out and went back. During my stay in Tashkent, I endured much poverty and humiliation. I had no country or hope of one!
Most of my retainers dispersed; those who remained were unable to move about with me because of their destitution.
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