In the wake of the U. Sectarian fighting between Shiites and Sunnis also scarred the city, leading to more religiously homogeneous neighborhoods. Although the U. During the same period, U. See works by F. See also R. Levy, A Baghdad Chronicle , repr. Owles, Salad Days in Baghdad The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th ed. All rights reserved. See more Encyclopedia articles on: Iraq Political Geography. Close to one third of the total population of Iraq lives in Baghdad.
Historically, Baghdad sits in the same area as Babylon. The city of Mosul, second only to Baghdad in its size, sits on the Tigris near the ruins of the ancient Assyrian capital of Nineveh and has recently experienced rapid growth.
Towns, hamlets and villages comprise the remainder of the population. These are situated throughout Iraq, but mostly in the lowlands and valleys around the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. Most of these populations depend on agriculture for their survival. There are two seasons, summer and winter, with only short transitional periods between the two. Summer lasts from May to October and is characterized by cloudless skies, hot temperatures, low humidity and no precipitation from June through September.
Rainfall averages just over an inch per month 29 mm between November and April. Iraq has two climatic provinces: the hot, arid lowlands, including the alluvial plains and the deserts, and the damper northeast, where the higher elevation produces cooler temperatures.
The lowlands are covered by heavy alluvial soils with a high proportion of clay that is suitable for cultivation and building materials. In the northeast, summer is shorter while the winter lasts longer.
The greater winter rainfall sustains good seasonal pastures. Source: [ 21 ], p. The Board supervised the construction of several vital projects, not only in Baghdad but also in other regions of the country.
This included dams, irrigation and drainage systems, bridges, roads, factories, power plants, housing, schools, hospitals, and public buildings [ 20 ]. Moreover, Ekistics can be understood as a multidisciplinary approach that involved various sciences, such as economics, geography, sociology, anthropology, and other disciplines. The first was to emphasise basic human needs and non-functionalism and to further technological concerns.
This would accommodate housing and resource shortages as well as other post-World War II urban impasses. It would achieve this by contributing to reforming in earlier modernist urbanism through refusing the concept of the individual designer.
The second aim attempted to reinvent designers and planners as experts in urban development. This recognised the importance of the physical environment in promoting socioeconomic development, and this could be achieved by advancing social restructure through applying the paradigm of the industrialised West through global urbanisation, industrialisation, and socioeconomic modernisation [ 20 ].
When the Iraq Development Board assigned Doxiadis the task of preparing a new master plan for Baghdad, Baghdad had an old centre, which was represented by its old urban fabric; this later became the location for new businesses. The master plan was supposed to provide a comprehensive framework within which various building projects would be integrated. However, in , a British company, Minoprio and Spencely and P. Macfarlane, was also assigned by the Iraqi government to create a master plan.
It had proposed a road system to connect the premodern urban fabric core with new river bridges and included outlined zoning principles Figure In this proposal, the historical area of Baghdad was given four colours classifying land use, and one of these was defined as commercial or business use. However, at that stage of the city, its urban structure conditions were not competent to meet the requirements of the new era.
Minoprio and Spencely and P. The city developed along the central axis of the Tigris River; this represented a natural feature in the city that emerged as a central spine in the evolution of Baghdad. The future city was expected to develop bidirectionally along the river axis, constituting a rectangular grid pattern [ 19 ]. The Iraqi government dealt with the problems of population growth and mass immigration in Baghdad by inviting other European companies, such as the British firm Minoprio, Spencely, and Macfarlane, to develop and prepare comprehensive development plans that considered the old area as a vital part of the city.
In , the plan by the British firm was completed; this referred to new land use, the clearance of slum areas, the construction of a rural belt, and the development of transportation systems [ 19 ]. The Tigris River has been a significant feature since the emergence of the original city, also functioning as a central axis of growth.
Residential areas were arranged by adopting the same concept of a rectangular grid system [ 20 ]. However, these embodied the old important urban fabric of Baghdad.
The city represented specific social values within its urban context that were characterised by its organic pattern; these aspects represented a big challenge for firms and any comprehensive development plan. Doxiadis Company prepared a detailed documentary study of the old urban fabric in the city centre that included numerous photos, sketches, and detailed analyses of past houses.
In an attempt to sidestep much of the old street fabric of Rusafa and Karkh, Doxiadis stipulated that only the future expansion of the commercial and business areas should be recognised according to the rectilinear grid of master plan.
Theoretically, Doxiadis demonstrated greater sensitivity and interest in the old urban fabric than the actual plan that was implemented, which saw the opening of a different set of two main longitudinal thoroughfares, namely, Al Jumhuriya and Haifa. Both modern streets produced a colossal loss when extensive areas of the historical and cultural environment, and irreplaceable features such as mosques, souks, schools, and houses were destroyed [ 20 ].
Road, rail, water, and air transportations were a fundamental aim in developing Baghdad and were considered an appropriate advanced network system to further support urban development projects [ 22 ]. The map of the master plan prepared by Doxiadis deliberately avoided extending and imposing the same rectilinear grid on the old city centre. This was a significant dimension in recognising the value of the old fabric and its vitality and to retain these as essential features of Baghdad [ 23 ].
On the one hand, greater sensitivity towards the old city centre and an attempt to optimise the relationship between the old core and its surroundings were needed, while, on the other hand, the relationship among the components of the old fabric itself was also essential.
Thus, the historical zone of Baghdad represented a serious urban issue that needed to be appropriately considered. Dealing with this type of urban fabric meant treating it with sensitivity, not only as an ancient area but also in consideration of what it meant to many people. In the mids, the Iraqi government asked Polservice, a Polish planning team, to replan the city and prepare a proposal for a Comprehensive Development Plan for Baghdad to be achieved by Also, Polservice organised the city centre by proposing eight secondary sub-centres.
This attempted to reduce the pressure on the current city centre through the non-centralisation of activities and services.
One of its accomplishments was the establishment of a hierarchy, from the residential quarter to the district and its neighbourhoods Figure Source: [ 21 ], Referring to the mayoralty of Baghdad. The company determined the area for the civic centre and offered a proposal to establish a space, situated between Khulafa Street to the west, King Ghazi to the east, Al-Kilani Street to the south, and Al-Wathbah Square to the north.
Also, the company suggested a new division for the city centre by creating a central business district CBD and a central region. The developmental study offered the first ring road as the boundary of the city centre, which started from the north side of 14th July Road and the Muhammad Qasim Freeway.
The study stated that the new centre of Baghdad would cover an area of approximately 1. More recently, after , several firms identified new opportunities when the Iraqi government launched a comprehensive programme to prepare development plans for different Iraqi cities, including Baghdad. The big challenge in the capital was to fill the gap between the former master plan, in terms of what had already been implemented, and the new one. Moreover, addressing important developments helped to establish whether they responded to the prior master plan.
Khatib and Alami prepared the general master plan of Baghdad, which identified different aspects of the dramatic changes in city growth since One of the primary concerns about the comprehensive development plan was, for example, the old part of Baghdad which was defined by use-based zoning. The origin of the traditional city arose spontaneously, rather than through the mechanism of land use or zoning. This represented a critical point within the urban development projects.
The network pattern and layout of the buildings in the area were complicated; therefore, there was a need to prepare specific criteria and regulations to protect the identity of old Baghdad as well as recognise the contemporary ambitions of the new city.
The complexity of the network in the old part is not declared today, but many related studies and projects refer to it in different ways. In this respect, Al-Rahmani states that land use was incompatible and inappropriate, due to the greater population in the old quarters. Moreover, there was no integration between old and new developments. Many old areas had been demolished and replaced by new developments on the pretext that they were modern and thus compatible with the needs of a contemporary era.
However, the result was unsuccessful as far as functionality and compatibility were concerned [ 15 ]. Besides its comprehensive development plan, Baghdad also witnessed other development processes. These were related to the historical area of the city and included both Rusafa and Karkh. The first attempt to conserve and redevelop the historical centre of Rusafa started in by JCP Inc. The study was important because it dealt with different levels of development that covered comprehensive analyses, the urban structure, conservation plans, and urban design schemes.
However, the implementation programme unfortunately stumbled Figure This study focused on the street level and the key characteristics that formed both its opposite edges, thus promoting the historical spines of the city and the traditional environment of Baghdadian people Figure The study presented the implementation of the proposed structure plan that consisted of three levels; primary action up to , secondary action up to , and tertiary action up to Despite a significant programme of implementation, none of the actions took place as recorded.
Instead, historical parts are still suffering from neglect today, while individual monuments and the street network have similarly been ignored. The Al-Karkh region is the second historical area of Baghdad; this saw a significant development plan in which was prepared by Alousi Associates and Reinick Consultants, who were from Dublin in Ireland, with Parsons Brown Consulting Engineers, from Bristol in England.
Haifa Street saw one of the main changes where adjacent high-rise residential buildings were constructed on both sides of the street. Even though these projects were designed to address the historical areas of Baghdad, none of their aims were fully achieved. After , the Mayoralty of Baghdad contracted with local bureaux to study and analyse traditional parts of Baghdad; Al-Rasheed Street in the Al-Rusafa quarter and the Al-Karkh quarter were the main two renovation projects.
The primary concerns about these urban renewal plans were the administrative policy and the implementation phases. Study on the conservation and redevelopment of the historical centre of Baghdad City, Rusafa. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad [ 14 ], pp. A historical route in the study on conservation and redevelopment of the historical centre of Baghdad City, Rusafa. Al Karkh development. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad, Alousi [ 24 ], p. The essential morphological pattern and structure of the old city in Rusafa remained, in general, unchanged until the first decade of the twentieth century [ 4 ].
The main architectural and urban context character of old Baghdad could be typified as a series of spatial patterns and a hierarchy that was based on introversion. The nature of the environment with its socioreligious and socio-climatic dimensions seemed to have experienced fewer typological changes than stylistic ones. This means that the typical scheme of traditional residential areas in Baghdad continued to depend on the concept of the internal courtyard and the inward-facing direction.
The non-adoption of rigid space-use corroboration and the increasingly needed formal and aesthetic considerations meant that form, particularly in domestic architecture, was much more important than function, which was mostly stereotyped and multipurpose [ 4 ]. In comparison, the modern design gave as much priority to its functional dimensions and use patterns.
However, medieval Islamic cities, such as Baghdad, were defensive and inward-oriented in their overall design and through their organic urban fabric. Moreover, the city was surrounded by a wall which held gates that lead to the heart of the city where many self-contained residential quarters, called Mahallas, were located; these faced the main routes into the countryside.
The main character of the old city in Rusafa could be seen through the pedestrian labyrinth of narrow alleyways which amassed together and led to inward-looking courtyard houses. Meanwhile, the centre of the city was covered by significant buildings, such as the Friday Mosque, souks, Khans, hammams, and coffee-houses. Each type of work was situated according to a distinct functional hierarchy, which was based on the needs of merchants, guilds, artisans, and craftworkers.
Baghdad exhibited an atmosphere of spontaneity and informality which was represented by its old urban fabric and historic buildings and some of its limited cultural activities [ 4 ]. The essential element in the old urban fabric of this ultradense context was a local variant of a central courtyard hosh, meaning house.
The traditional Baghdadi house was characterised by an introverted habitat with solid brick walls that directly faced the street with one access door. Furthermore, shanashils were the main feature of the street; these carved wood projections, with railings and windows, were used for lighting and viewing [ 25 , 26 ]. During the Ottoman occupation, essential changes occurred in several major typological transformations.
The housing regulations were issued following the Ottoman occupation of Baghdad and continue today; however, these rules were subjected to three phases. The first phase began in and continued until the First World War; this was initiated by the Ottoman period under the Tanzimat reforms in Iraq.
The second phase started with the monarchy of Iraq and continued throughout the colonial and independent period. The final stage commenced with the revolution of , which saw Iraq shift from a monarchy to a republic. It is important to note that the third phase has also passed through several transitions since The first phase witnessed the Ottoman invasion, and its urban and physical form reflected the typical characteristics of Islamic cities through quarters, mosques, bazaars, and other several public institutions.
This was also echoed in the character of the traditional house with its courtyard and inward direction [ 27 ]. Moreover, the first modernisation that took place in Baghdad occurred during the reign of Midhat Pasha, who was a governor of the Baghdad Vilayet. He ordered the demolishment of the wall of Rusafa and invested its materials in the construction of many significant public buildings.
He also prompted the introduction of modern municipal services besides new roads. In , during the same Ottoman period, German engineers established the first railway line, which connected Baghdad and Europe. This coincided with the use of new materials, such as steel, and was later adopted by local masons [ 28 ]. At this stage, a considerable number of public buildings were constructed that affected the main character of Baghdad and its urban context.
In the mids, the Iraq Development Board invited well-known architects to contribute to a set of projects that aimed to develop the urban structure of the city and to meet a new standard of function. The value of historical detail lies in its importance in sustaining a national architecture; such detail occupies a wide area in the city centre of Baghdad.
Traditional detail is not limited to houses but also includes various urban components and networks. The benefit of such features is that historical buildings can not only be saved but also invested in through their housing of different types of activities, not just as museums [ 29 ]. Allen states that traditional areas aim to educate the public about the importance of the historical regions as an endangered urban area of Baghdad, including its residential zones [ 30 ].
This attempts to activate the conservation of ancient and irreplaceable architecture. These areas stand in the remains of four interspace townships and are surrounded by contemporary urban features that include modern buildings, extensive public squares, and an orthogonal network.
The four inherent sectors are a vital resource of expression of a past traditional period and provide a cultural and historical chain that could be continued for future generations [ 4 ]. Between and , governor Midhat Pasha attempted to implement a transport system in the old urban fabric. The city wall was partially demolished to open the first entrance at Karkh for a horse-drawn tram.
However, urban expansion remained within the same range of the historical city. However, the modern machinery of urban development generally endured sluggish progress when dealing with Baghdad [ 26 ]. The existing old fabric, which included a network system, historical neighbourhoods, and heritage buildings, faced the ideology of modernisation, which led to the creation of a new urban morphology within a current traditional structure. This was achieved either by reconfiguration or by removing old structures.
Self-organisation was the central concept in the configuration of the old fabric; in contrast, the new urban context relied on planning. Consequently, the two different patterns occurred and led to an interrupted urban pattern which reflected a lack of continuity, coherence, and integration with the surrounding environment [ 8 ].
The characteristics embodied in the urban context of Baghdad were 1 the quality of use and the nature of urban space, which was based on different spatial concepts, urban patterns, and building typologies, and 2 specified markets along with public buildings and the river frontage which provided defined and active public spaces [ 8 ].
These two topologies are traditional-surviving spaces and modern-emerging spaces, the latter of which is divided into hybrid urban spaces and entire modern urban spaces [ 8 ]. In the same context, Al-Hasani states that urban space revitalisation strategies could be based on space hierarchies and could focus on managing the integration between urban morphologies and contemporary needs [ 8 ].
In the past, Baghdad integrated its various urban patterns in order to reduce ambivalence towards the transformation process which historically tended to be continuous and subject to self-organised acts. It was achieved by creating the smallest urban form cells that dealt with hierarchy, land use, and building rules and enhanced human activities by concentrating more on the hierarchy space and accessibility [ 8 ]. Its contemporary streets represent one of the components of the comprehensive plan of Baghdad.
However, the street basically follows the same principles of new urbanism under the term of modernity. New roads are wide and long in comparison with traditional ones; they tend to span more than 3 kilometres with tall buildings on both sides and are far removed from the human scale. In addition to this, these new streets replaced the demolished previous, irreplaceable traditional fabric, which included souks, houses, and mosques.
Moreover, the massive gap that emerged between the old urban structure and the new urban context under the same terms, westernisation and modernization, cannot be readily ignored [ 26 ]. Rasheed Street is one of the oldest streets that cut through the historic central areas to link the north and south of ancient Baghdad and runs parallel to the Tigris River.
It was begun by the Turks in but was completed by the British in Its width is varied where the maximum is about 40 metres, including 10 metres of commercial development on either side. It is almost 3. The importance of Al-Rasheed Street comes from the characteristics of the adjacent buildings and their distinctive architectural style. Porticos, with various facade styles, constitute Al-Rasheed Street; it adopts human-scale dimensions and has an integrated, harmonious architectural unity.
Such environmental elements give enough protection for pedestrians against undesirable climates. The street reflects a cohesive alignment of buildings which contains the highest diversity in elevation, and its characteristics represent different types of architecture [ 32 ].
0コメント